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The author investigates the accent rules of the compound in the Aomori City Dialect. Part 1 is concerned with the case where the second element (Y) has more than three morae. The first element (X) determines whether the compound noun (Z) has a kernel or not. The accentual information and the segmental structure of Y determines where the compound has the kernel.
As a sequel to "Some Khotanese Letters in Verse" (TULIP 12) two Khotanese manuscripts from Dunhuang in the Pelliot collection at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris are dealt with here. These texts, in the same genre as those in the previous study, are only published in transcription and facsimile, and no interpretation of them has so far been attempted. The fragmentary passages quoted in H. W. Bailey, Dictionary of Khotan Saka, Cambridge 1979, are largely unsatisfacory both in reading and in interpretation. Lists of corrigenda for such items are given at the end.
This paper records a Philippine legend entitled "The Story of a Monkey and a Turtle", which was related in Kinaray-a [kina¯raj?a], an Austronesian language of the Philippines, by a native speaker of the language in the 1992 class of Professor TSUCHIDA Shigeru's "Field Methods" course at the Department of Linguistics, University of Tokyo. A brief outline of the grammar is also presented.
In Japanese, sentences of the type "A wa B" which are not identificational have been called "eel sentences" since Okutsu (1978). In Sugiura (1991), it was claimed that the sentence-final particle da (and its polite counterpart desu) indicates that the sentence is contrastive, and since there exist performative "eel sentences" without da / desu, it was further claimed that "eel sentences" are derived via predicate deletion.
In this paper, however, sentences of the type "A wa B + particle" are compared with "eel sentences", and based on this comparison, it is claimed that although "A wa B + particle" sentences are derived via predicate deletion, "eel sentences" are not. Instead, it is argued that "eel sentences" are generated as they are, and indicate many-to-one correspondence from the set that A belongs to to the set that B belongs to.
In Chinese the aspectual particle le may or may not be used in a sentence. This paper attempts to analyze the conditions for the use of such le, and claims that this phenomenon can be explained through positing the same semantic features for the elements called "resultative / directional complements" as for this le.
This paper proposes the perceived size of a referent as a condition of the deictic usage of the Japanese demonstratives KO / SO / A based on the results of an investigation. As the perceived size reduces, the demonstrative that is used changes in the order KO > SO > A. It is said that there is a distinction in the demonstratives between the TAIRITSU-type (opposing type), where typically the speaker and the hearer face each other, and the YUHGOH-type (unified type), where typically the speaker and the hearer face in the same direction. But this distinction is not necessary because the perceived size means for the referent itself to be a factor of the spatial division and cause its own spatial division on the deictic usage.
Tone sandhi of polysyllabic compounds in the Shanghai dialect has attracted the interest of many scholars, who have always given careful consideration to the tone of the monosyllable while trying to describe the rules of the tone sandhi of polysyllabic compounds. In this paper, I argue that the number of the tones of the Shanghai dialect, generally held to be five under previous analyses, can be reduced to only two underlying tone patterns, or tonemes, by recognizing the existence of the phoneme "voiced h".
This paper presents a brief sketch of the grammar of Sakizaya-Amis. Sakizaya is one of the five recognized dialects of Amis, an Austronesian language spoken in Taiwan.
Among the verbal predicates of the Lhasa dialect of Tibetan, the three verbal predicates, V-ki ^y¨o¨o, V-ki ^tuu, V-ki ^yoo^ree ("V" denoting a verb), share the feature that they are used when speakers describe events as non-perfect continuative, i.e., durative, stative, iterative, or prospective. The usage of these predicates is, in principle, determined by the following necessarily interrelated considerations:
Kinaray-a is an Austronesian language spoken on the island of Panay in the Philippines. This paper clarifies part of the usage of two articles sa and kang of the language. The article sa, markig primarily 'location' and 'direction', is also used for 'patient', the case-relation marked by kang as well. The difference between these two articles as patient markers lies in the fact that sa, but not kang, has the function to emphatically denote the specific (= referential) patient.
