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The present paper compares two forms expressing 'parallel actions' in Shibo: V-mee (an imperfect converb under pragmatic stress) and V-me bime (an imperfect converb + the converb of the verb 'to be'), and claims that the function of the V-mee form is to connect, in addition to parallel actions, two actions considered by the speaker as related, such as conditions, means or purposes in relation to the main verb, while that of the V-me ime form is to connect two simultaneously occurring actions not considered by the speaker as related.
In Danish, which is a language with stress accent, the secondary stress of a compound normally falls on the syllable of the original primary stress of the second member, although numerous cases are found where the secondary stress of the compound falls elsewhere in the second member. It has been argued so far that the factor causing such exceptions is to be sought in the fact that the second member is a compound (or a derivation) with the accent type 'Primary Stress + Secondary Stress'.
However, the above rule has many exceptions; some compound words have regular secondary stress, although the second member is a compound with the stress type 'Primary Stress + Secondary Stress'; some others, with a single morpheme as the second member, show irregular distribution of the secondary stress; still others show regular secondary stress on the second member which is a simplex. It is clear, against the views in the literature, that the morphological structure of the second member has nothing to do with the distribution of the secondary stress.
The present paper takes into account the stress type of the first member, in addition to that of the second member 'Primary Stress + Secondary Stress' as already mentioned. The irregular distribution of the secondary stress only occurs when the first member has the stress on the ultima, while the second member is of the type "Primary Stress + Secondary Stress'. In other words irregular distribution of the secondary stress is caused by the rhythmic constraint which avoides stresses on the adjacent syllables across the boundary of the first and second members.
The present description improves on the views in the literature in that it can explain not only the conditions under which the secondary stress is irregular, but also the conditions under which it is regular.
The present paper proposes a new criterion for classifiying Japanese verbs into transitives and intransitives. In some sentences with NPs Y-ga + X-wo, the NP X-wo can be topicalized to form the type X-wa + Y-ga, while in others topicalization is not possible. Among those sentences where topicalization is possible, wa NPs function either as topic or contrast. It is proposed that those verbs which are used in the topicalized sentence with topic function are transitives, while those which cannot be used in the topicalized sentence as well as those used in the topicalization for contrast are intransitives.
While the accent kernel is a matter of position, with the word pitch what counts is which among the possible patterns a given unit follows. It is generally held (e.g. HAYATA Teruhiro, 1998: 11) that in no language the same lexical unit of the same grammatical category employs two different types of accent. Thus, it is not possible, within the same language, that some nouns have an accent kernel, while others have a pitch accent.
The present paper claims that the Miryang dialect of the Gyeongsangnam-do has the n + 2 accent system which has simultaneously the accent kernel and word pitch without regard to the grammatical categories. It is also shown that these two accents behave differently in the compound accent rules as well as in the accent of verbals.
The present paper outlines a program of study in the roles of Code Switching (hereafter CS) among the Turkish-Japanese bilingual students at school from two viewpoints of environment and age. It proposes to conduct a comparative study of two environments, one on conversations among the bilingual children and the other on those between the teacher and childeren in classes, considering these two situations as two separate environments. Furthermore, informants will be classified into two age groups, one around 7 years old and the other around 10 years old. By observing the difference of the roles and workings of CS, it is hoped to shed light to the development of aspects of CS as the children grow older.
The accent types of the noun of the Tsubota dialect in Miyake Island are determined by two factors: whether the word has an 'ascending kernel' and on which mora the kernel falls. Pitch pattern rises at the mora with the kernel and starts falling from the next mora, and keeps falling further on. N-mora nouns have either n-mora-type kernel (1, 2, 3, ... n) or the last-mora-type (-1type) kernel, thus there are n+2 accent types in n-mora nouns.
As a result, in three-mora nouns, for example, the third-mora-type and last-mora-type contrast: tama[go "egg" being the third-mora-type ('[' representing the kernel where the pitch rises) contrasting with koto[ba "speech" being the last-mora-type, in that, although as simplexes they have the same pitch pattern, with a case particle they become tama[goga and kotoba[ga, respectively.
The present paper focuses on the civil decisions and related documents in the Meiji Period (1868-1912) which have rarely been studied as the sources for the history of the Japanese language. They are written in a mixture of Kanji and Kana (kanji-kanamajiri) reflecting the style of the Kanbun-kundoku. The uses in them of the personal pronouns, watakushi, jibun, sonohō, etc. and the plural suffixes added to them such as domo and ra, as well as the latter's social significance at that time are analyzed.
It also examines the cases where an adnominal noun or pronoun denoting a person is attached to the head noun without the connector no, and points out that the conditions of the use and non-use depend on the classes to which the qualifiying and qualified nouns and pronouns belong, thus showing the way for subdivisions of such uses. It is possible that such a use originates in the Japanized Kanbun, the exact process of which, however, awaits further study.
It has been claimed that a resonant (R) preceded by an h (hR) does not contrast with one followed by an h (Rh) in Oklahoma Cherokee. This claim has been shown to be correct on the phonetic level through acoustic phonetics, while the present paper claims that they are distinct on the phonological level, on the grounds that they behave differently as to Laryngeal Alternation and Laryngeal Metathesis.
The Japanese yōon ('twisted sounds') are a group of consonantal sounds which share some historic and orthographic commonalities and have therefore often been treated as a homogeneous group in synchronic phonological theory as well. The big questions concerning the yōon are those about their internal structure (simple or complex?) and about their relationship to other phonemes (that is, to the single consonants and the phoneme /j/, the composition with which they originally derive from).
Previous research has tried to resolve these problems on almost purely structuralistic grounds, which makes it hard to evaluate the existing theories, because there are no generally agreed upon criteria for judging their validity. This is the reason for the fact that research on the yōon has seen little if any evolution.
As a reaction to this, the present author conducted some preliminary experiments to anchor the linguistic interpretation in the speaker's perception. Three of them - auditory priming, sound grouping and ABX method - are presented in this paper. The results (which should be understood as preliminary because there is still great need for amendments) are as follows: All yōon (including those surfacing as fricatives/affricates) are complex. Their first element is a relatively peripheral palatalized allophone of the historically corresponding simple consonants. The second element is phonetically close to /j/ in many cases; however, as its range of possible realizations is quite different from /j/, the possibility that it forms a different phoneme deserves further consideration.
Explorative Experimente zu den japanischen yōonDie yōon („verdrehte Laute") des Japanischen sind eine Gruppe konsonantischer Laute, die auf der Grundlage verschiedener Gemeinsamkeiten in ihrer Geschichte und Rechtschreibung auch in der synchronen phonologischen Theorie häufig gemeinsam behandelt werden. Die wichtigsten Fragen zu den yōon sind die zu ihrer internen Struktur (einfach oder zusammengesetzt?) und zu ihrer phonologischen Verwandtschaft (i.e. ihrem Verhältnis zu den einfachen Konsonanten und dem Phonem /j/, aus deren Zusammensetzung sie historisch entstanden sind).
Die bisherige Forschung hat diese Fragen fast ausschließlich unter Berufung auf klassisch-strukturalistische Methoden zu beantworten versucht, was einsteils nötige Vorarbeit darstellt, es aber andernteils schwer macht, die entsprechenden Theorien zueinander in Bezug zu stellen: Da keine allgemein akzeptierten Kriterien für deren Gültigkeit existieren, ist im Wissen über die yōon bislang kaum Fortschritt zu beobachten.
Um diesem Missstand entgegenzuwirken wurden vom Autor einige explorative Experimente zu den yōon durchgeführt. Ziel war es, Aussagen über diese in der empirisch beobachtbaren Perzeption der Sprecher zu verankern. Drei dieser Experimente (auditives Priming, Lautgruppierung und ABX-Methode) wurden in diesem Vortrag vorgestellt. Die Ergebnisse (die, da etliche Verbesserungen anstehen, als vorläufig zu betrachten sind) waren wie folgt: Alle yōon (einschließlich derer, die als Frikativ/Affrikate realisiert werden) sind zusammengesetzt. Der erste Bestandteil ist ein palatalisiertes, vergleichsweise peripheres Allophon des historisch entsprechenden einfachen Konsonanten. Der zweite Bestandteil ist in vielen Fällen phonetisch nah an /j/, zeigt jedoch in der Perzeption eine weit größere Spannweite der Akzeptabilität, so dass die Möglichkeit, dass es sich um ein von /j/ verschiedenes Phonem handelt, zumindest erwogen werden sollte.
The present paper considers the Japanese interjection maa as an expression which affects the scale, whereby functions such as negative evaluation or hedge are derived. The present paper adopts the Horn Scale (Horn 1972, 1983) which is based on implicature. It is observed that maa bars the cancelling of the scalar implicature in both the positive and the negative environments. From this observation it is possible to define maa as an element marking the upper limit of the scale. It is also claimed that the fact that maa affects the scale influences the hearer's perception that maa weakens the speech act and that the speaker has a lower level of conviction.
The present paper attempts a semantic and grammatical description of the verb bayi- in Mongolian of the Manzhou Shilu. It is pointed out that, while the verb bayi- can also be used both as the copula and as the existential verb in Modern Mongolian, it is always an action verb in all the instances in the Manzhou Shilu.
The present paper examines the color terms in Even, a Tungusic language. It is commonly observed among the different subjects that the classification of the colors with high chroma seems to be determined by hue. On the other hand, the extent to which a category is extended beyond the focus color differs from one individual to another. Individual differences are also observed in the classification and selection of the terms with low chroma.
The Yuwan dialect has two forms (ga, nu) in the nominative case, and four forms in the genitive case (inflection, ga, zero-form, nu). The present paper points out that these case markers are distributed according to the NP hierarchy proposed by M. Silverstein, although, at the same time, some correspondences out of the expected alignment are seen in the nominative in comparison and nominal predicates as well as the genitive in coordination.
Hiberno-English [HE] is a language arisen in the language contact between Irish and English. While this is a common view among the investigators of HE, it has been described substantially as an English dialect. The present paper, with special reference to the expressions of tense-aspect oppositions, questions the traditional English-oriented view in contact linguistic theories of HE. The paper includes a description of the 'be after V-ing' pattern (e.g. 'We are just after missing the bus!'), which inherits a grammatical feature of Irish. This pattern exhibits a functioning pragmatic distribution in contrast with 'have Perfect' in contemporary HE. Thus the form arisen from contact is allotted a postion in a newly developed system of grammatical oppositions of meaning.
The present paper deals with a group of the Old Testament texts called 'Deuteronomistic History', classifying the functions of the Biblical Hebrew conjunction ki and surveying its examples.
It has been pointed out that, on the one hand, this conjunction had multiple functions in Biblical Hebrew, not only as a complementizer but also introducing causal, conditional or concessive clauses, but that, on the other, only the function as a complementizer remained in the later development of the Hebrew language. The present paper rather points out that, as a result of a quantitative research, the diachronic change is not a simple reduction of functions as described above, but possibly represents a more complicated process of expansion and reduction.
It has been widely shown that the concept of time and the concept of space are related, which can be seen in particular in metaphorical expressions. In the present paper special attention is paid to the model that Lakoff and Johnson established: the Moving Observer Metaphor and the Moving Time Metaphor. Their model and the criticisms against it in terms of figure-ground reversal are discussed here.
This study concerns some Malaysians living abroad in Japan due to their studies or jobs. These Malaysians need to acquire the language (Japanese) of the host country, while at the same time maintaining their Malay, English, Mandarin and even other dialects so that they will be able to adjust to the Malaysia society in the future. It would be expected that their previous languages have been considerably influenced as a result of contact with a dominant language (Japanese) environment. Such influence might be shown by observing their code-switching (CS) patterns.
This paper investigates CS produced by Malaysians living in Japan by examining if CS is to be considered as one of the constituents of language attrition. The data used in this study comes from two main sources:
This presentation discusses activities, such as the annual Dialect Festival in which skits in the traditional language are performed by children, devoted to revitalization and preservation of the language of Taketomi Island in Okinawa. The language in its revived form is losing certain phonetic distinctions (such as the use of [ə] (schwa) and nasal vowels) and is adopting many Common Japanese terms. Particular attention will be paid to number words, which are in some cases replaced wholesale by Common Japanese.
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